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Old
Shetland
The
Shetland Islands are upwards of a hundred in number, varying
in size from the Mainland, which is about seventy miles in length
and thirty at its greatest breadth, to small rocks not even
affording pasturage to sheep. The outlines of all the islands,
as shown on the accompanying map are very irregular, long bays
or voes indenting them so deeply that no point is more than
three
miles from the sea. The country is hilly, but none of the hills
are very lofty. Twenty-eight of the islands are inhabited; some
of the smaller islands containing only two, or in some cases
only one family. The population in 1861 was 31,670, viz. 18,617
females, and 13,053 males. The population in 1871 was 31,605,
viz. 18,525 females, and 13,080 males. The census is taken at
a time of the year when many men who are sailors in the merchant
service are absent from their homes, which they visit once a
year or oftener. At the last census there were 6,494 families,
5,740 inhabited houses, 220 vacant houses, and 10 houses building.
The
Agricultural Returns for Great Britain for 1871 state the number
of occupiers of land in Shetland, from whom returns have been
obtained, at 3992, occupying on an average thirteen acres each.
The total acreage under all kinds of crops, bare, fallow, and
grass, is given as 50,454 acres in 1870, and 50,720 in 1871,
of which, in the latter year, 11,626 acres were under corn crops,
3,493 under green crops (2,909 being potatoes), 522 under clover
and grasses under rotation, and 33,227 permanent pasture, meadow,
or grass not broken up in rotation, exclusive of heath or mountain
land. The total number of horses returned to the Statistical
Department, as on 25th June 1871, was 5,354; of cattle 21,735;
of sheep, 86,834; and of pigs, 5,251.
Social
State
The 'toons,'
or townships, in which the peasantry of Shetland live, are generally
situated along the margins of the voes, or far-stretching inland
bays which intersect the country; and although in some districts
they extend into the valleys running into the interior, they
are almost always within a short distance from the sea. It is
natural, therefore, that the Shetlander should be a fisherman
or a sailor; and for two centuries it appears that he has
generally combined the occupations of farming and fishing. The
following description of the rural polity of Shetland, taken
from Dr. Arthur Edmonstone's View of the Ancient and Present
State of the Zetland Islands (2 vols. 8vo, Edin. 1809), is for
the most part applicable at the present day....
The enclosed
land in Zetland is divided into what are called merks and ures.
A merk, it is said, should contain 1600 square fathoms, and
an ure is the eighth part of a merk; but the merks are everywhere
of unequal dimensions, and scarcely two are of the same size.
The oldest rentals state the number of merks to be about 13,500,
and those of the present time make them no more. A considerable
portion, however, of common has been enclosed and cultivated
since the appearance of the first rentals, although not included
in them. When a part of the common is enclosed and farmed, the
enclosure is called an outset; but the outsets are never
included in the numeration of merks of rental land. From these
circumstances it is very difficult to ascertain the actual quantity
of cultivated ground in Zetland.
The enclosures
are made, generally, in the eighbourhood of the sea, and contain
from 4 to 70 merks, which are frequently the property of different
heritors, and are always subdivided among several tenants. Such
place is called a town or a room, and each has a particular
name.
The uncultivated
ground outside of the enclosure is called the scatthold, and
is used for general pasture, and to furnish turf for firing.
Every tenant may rear as many sheep, cattle, or horses, on the
general scatthold attached to the town in which his farm lies
as he can. There is no restriction on this head, whether he
rent a
large or a small farm. If there be no moss in the scatthold
contiguous to his farm, the tenant must pay for the privilege
to cut peat in some other common, and this payment is called
hogalif. It seldom exceeds 3s. per annum.
The kelp
shores and the pasture islands are seldom or never let to the
tenant along with the land; these the landholder retains in
his own hands. In some parts of Zetland, particularly in the
island of Unst, the proprietor furnishes the tenant, gratis,
with a house, barn, and stable, which he also keeps in a state
of repair. In other
parts of the country this expense is divided between them, but
the chief proportion of it always falls on the landholder.
The quantity
of land farmed by a tenant varies from 3 to 12 merks, and sometimes
more; but the average number to each may be taken at 5. In a
few instances regular leases are granted, and some of them for
a great number of years; but these are comparatively rare. In
the great majority of cases, nothing more takes place than a
verbal agreement on the part of the tenant to occupy a farm
under certain conditions, for one year only, at the
expiration of which both he and the landholder consider
themselves at perfect liberty to enter on a new engagement ....
The rents
are paid in cash and various articles of country produce, such
as fish, butter, oil, etc.; and the amount of the rent varies,
according as the tenant has the exclusive disposal of his labour
or agrees to fish to his landholder. In the former case, the
probable profits on the sale of fish and the other articles
of produce are
estimated, and the lands are let at their full value. In the
latter case, or where the tenant fishes to the landholder, he
comes under an agreement to deliver to him his fish, butter,
and oil, at a certain price, and then the lands are let at a
considerably reduced rate. This system, where there is a reciprocity
of profit between the landholder and the tenant, is by far the
most general, and the
practice is immemorial in Zetland.
The merks
are divided into different classes, such as
six-penny, nine-penny, and twelve-penny merks. These are arbitrary
numbers, employed to designate certain differences in the rents
of the merks, according to their size and produce. Thus nine-penny
merks should be more valuable than six-penny merks, and twelve-penny
more so than nine-penny. But these distinctions, although rounded,
no doubt, originally on real differences, are at
present very inaccurate measures of the relative value of the
different classes of merks; for sometimes happens that a six-penny
merk is as large and productive as a twelve-penny one. . .
The lands
in the different towns generally lie, intimately mingled together,
which not only creates frequent disputes, but prevents the more
industrious tenants from
making smaller enclosures...
The ground
is divided into what is called outfield and
infield. The outfield is the land which has been last brought
into a state of cultivation, and in most parts the soil is mossy.
It is sown generally with oats. The infield, on the contrary,
has been long in a state of culture, and it produces barley,
called in Zetland bear, and potatoes. The outfield is seldom
well drained, although it might be easily done without any additional
trouble or expense.
Thus, when cutting peat for fuel, which is often done within
the dyke, instead of doing this in parallel lines, leaving a
considerable space between them to become a future corn-field,
the people cut in every direction, disfigure the ground, and
very often form reservoirs for water to accumulate in. The outfield
is allowed to
remain fallow for one, and sometimes two years in succession,
but the infield is generally turned over every year.
The enclosed
lands were formerly runrig, i.e. held by the
inhabitants of the township in scattered allotments, at different
places within the dyke or enclosing wall, the allotments being
made, apparently, in such a manner as to give the tenants equal
shares of the different qualities of land. In late years, however,
much progress is said to have been made in dividing the farms
and throwing the ground of each tenant into one lot.
Dwellings.
The following
description of the Shetland hut or cottage is written by Dr.
Arthur Mitchell, now one of the Commissioners of Lunacy for
Scotland, a very accurate and careful observer..
The Shetland
cottage or hut is of the rudest description. It is usually built
of undressed stone, with a cement of clay or turf. Over the
rafters is laid a covering of pones, divots, or flaas, and above
this again a thatch of straw, bound down with ropes of heather,
weighted at the ends with stones, as a protection against the
high winds which are so prevalent. Chimneys and windows are
rarely to be seen. One or more holes in the roof permit the
escape of the smoke, and at the same time admit light. Open
doors, the thatched roof, and loose joinings everywhere, insure
a certain ventilation, without which the dwellings would often
be more unhealthy than many in the lanes of our large cities.
To this, there is no doubt, we must attribute the comparative
absence of fever, the occasional presence of which, I think,
is greatly due to
that violation of the plainest law of nature, the box-bed. This
evil is often intensified in Shetland by having the beds arranged
in tiers one above the other, in ship fashion, with the apertures
of access reduced to the smallest possible size.
Drainage
is wholly unattended to, and the dunghill is invariably found
at the very door. As the house is entered, the visitor first
comes upon that part allotted to the cattle, which in summer
are out night and day, but in winter are chiefly within doors.
Their dung is frequently allowed to accumulate about them; and
I was told that this part of the house is sometimes used by
the family in
winter as a privy. Passing through the byre, the human habitation
is reached. The separation between it and the part for the cattle
is ingeniously effected by an arrangement of the furniture,
the bed chiefly serving for this purpose. The floor is of clay,
and the fire is nearly always in the middle of it.
In some
respects, however, the Zetland dwellings stand a favourable
comparison with those of the Western Islands. There is a bareness
and desolation about the misery of a Harris house that is tenfold
more depressing. It is a poor house and an empty one, a decaying,
mouldy shell, without the pretence of a kernel. Whereas in Zetland
there is usually a certain fulness. There are bulky sea-chests,
with smaller ones on the top of them; chairs, with generally
an effort at an easy one; a wooden bench, a table, beds, spades,
fishing-rods, baskets, and a score of other little things, which
help, after all, to make it a domus. The very teapot, in Zetland
always to be found at the fireside, speaks of home and woman,
and reminds one of the sobriety of the people, that very important
difference between them and the inhabitants of the
Hebridean islands. I think the Zetlanders, too, are more
intelligent, and more inclined to be industrious, and give greater
evidence of the tendency to accumulate or provide.
Instead
of describing the house occupied by each patient, I have given
this general account of the average Zetland dwelling, and then,
in my individual reports, I have spoken of the special houses
as of, above, or below the average.
Since 1860,
the dwellings of the people have undergone
considerable improvement, especially in the more advanced districts,
such as Unst; but the description given of them by Dr. Cowie,
the latest writer on Shetland and himself a Shetlander, and
my own observation so far as it went, enables me to state that
Dr. Mitchell's description of the average cottage of the fisherman-farmer
is still substantially correct. Cottages to which
the description exactly applies may be found within a mile of
Lerwick. In Lerwick, the capital, the poorer dwellings are,
to say the least, not better than those of the same class in
other towns of its size.
Fishing.
It is necessary
to distinguish the terms which are somewhat loosely used in
speaking of the different kinds of fishing carried on in Shetland.
The home or summer fishing, when that term is used in its widest
sense, includes all the fishing for ling, cod, tusk, and seath
prosecuted in open boats, whether of six oars, or of a smaller
size such as are still used for the seath fishery
at Sumburgh. The haaf fishery is, in the greater part of Shetland,
synonymous with the home or summer fishery, being distinguished
from it only where, as at Sumburgh, seath fishing is prosecuted
in summer in the smaller open boats. Haaf is the deep sea, the
fishing of cod, ling, and tusk. This fishery is also generically
known as the ling fishing, because, though, considerable quantities
of tusk and cod are also caught at the haaf, ling is by far
the most important part of its produce. The term cod fishing
is sometimes applied to what is usually called the Faroe fishing,
which is prosecuted in large smacks in the vicinity of the Faroe
Islands, and in autumn as far north as Iceland. On the west
coast of the mainland, the cod fishing or home cod fishing as
it is called, to distinguish it from the Faroe fishing, is carried
on, though now to a comparatively trifling extent, in smacks
of a smaller size,
at banks to the south-west of Shetland. The winter fishing is
prosecuted in small boats of four oars, which belong entirely
to the men engaged in it, the fish being generally cured by
themselves, or sold to any merchant they please for a price
fixed and paid in money or goods at the time.
A boat is
usually divided into six shares, each of the crew
having one share; the proceeds of the fish, after deducting
the price or hire of the boat and other expenses incurred on
account of the crew, for which the crew is responsible as a
company, being also divided into six shares. In some rare cases
the shares are fewer, and one or two of the men are hired.
It
is an invariable rule that a boat's crew delivers all its fish
taken during the summer to the same merchant. In a few cases
this arises, as it formerly did almost universally, simply from
the fact that the men are all tenants of a proprietor or middle-man,
who makes it a condition of their holding their crofts that
they shall
fish for him. In others, it is the subject of an express or
tacit arrangement with a particular fish-curer.
When
he delivers his fish, the fisherman does not receive
payment for it, nor does he know what price it will bring. The
arrangement or understanding is, that the price is to be at
the current rate at the end of the season. The season ends,
so far as the fishing is concerned, at or about August 12; but
the sales are not made until September and October, when the
process of curing
is completed. The settlement of the price does not take place
till November, December, or January; and in the case of one
merchant, it appears to have been more than once delayed to
a considerably later period. When a number of crews deliver
their fish to the same merchant, especially if he has a number
of stations at different parts of the islands, his settlements
are considerably
protracted. Each crew, as I have said, has got supplies at the
fishing station; it has also got fishing materials, and it may
have to pay the hire, or instalments of the price, of its boat.
These are all debited to the crew in a ledger account, kept
in the name of the skipper and crew, thus John Simpson &
Co., Stenness. The
sums due for these items being deducted from the total amount
of the boat's fishing, the balance is divided into shares, which
are carried to the private accounts of the several fishermen;
for in almost every case the fisherman and his family obtain,
during the year, supplies of goods from the shop of the fish-curer.
In the great majority of cases there are no passbooks for such
accounts. The private account is read over to the fisherman
by the fishcurer, or by his shopkeeper, where he does not personally
manage that department of his business; and the fisherman being
satisfied as to its correctness, or, as it often happens, trusting
to the honesty of the merchant, it is settled, any balance due
to the fisherman being paid in cash, any balance against him
being carried to his debit in a new account.
Tacksmen
and Merchants.
Although
the proprietors may originally have had some concern with all
the fishing of the year, it is in the ling fishery that they
till lately occupied, and in some instances still occupy, the
position of the old Dutch traders. In this position they have
now, for the most
part, been succeeded by merchants, who in some instances are
tacksmen or tacksmasters, principal
lessees or middle-men, having sub-tenants, and in others are
merely lessees of a fishing station, with its invariable appendage,
a retail shop or store for goods of every kind. There is a regular
season for the haaf fishing, lasting from about the 20th of
May till the 12th of August. It is carried on chiefly from stations
as near as possible to the haaf, where lodges or huts are erected
for each boat's crew. The men return to their homes at the end
of each
week. At each station where the fish are landed, whether that
is a temporary station, such as Feideland, Whalsay Skerries,
Stenness, Papa Stour, Spiggie, or Gloup, or a permanent curing
establishment and shop, such as Reawick, Uyea Sound, Quendale,
or Hillswick, factors are employed by the merchants to receive
and weigh the fish, and enter the weight in a fish-book. These
factors at the temporary stations are entrusted with a small
supply of meal, lines, hooks, and other articles likely to be
wanted by the fishermen, which they sell to them in the same
way as the merchants themselves or their servants do at the
permanent shops.
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